1 June 25, 2019
Articles and Statements
1. Volodymyr Pylypenko
Provoking a War: Polish Fake Documents in Warsaw’s 17th century Eastern Policy
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 3-7.
2. Artem Yu. PeretyatkoPropaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 3-7.
Abstract:
This paper addresses the use of fake documents in Rzeczpospolita’s 17th-century political discourse. The author discusses a variety of fake documents used at the time, including the following: the Sultan’s letters to the King of Rzeczpospolita, fake correspondence between the monarchs, the Sultan’s letters to the Polish gentry, and a set of false agreements related to the creation of a European Christian anti-Turkish coalition. Whomever they may have been addressed to, these documents must have had an impact on political life in the Polish-Lithuanian state and must have served to push Warsaw into war with the Ottoman Empire.
This paper addresses the use of fake documents in Rzeczpospolita’s 17th-century political discourse. The author discusses a variety of fake documents used at the time, including the following: the Sultan’s letters to the King of Rzeczpospolita, fake correspondence between the monarchs, the Sultan’s letters to the Polish gentry, and a set of false agreements related to the creation of a European Christian anti-Turkish coalition. Whomever they may have been addressed to, these documents must have had an impact on political life in the Polish-Lithuanian state and must have served to push Warsaw into war with the Ottoman Empire.
At the Origins of Don Military Propaganda: the Creative Activity of I.S. Ul'yanov at the Time of the Crimean War
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 8-18.
3. Dmitry V. LiventsevPropaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 8-18.
Abstract:
During the Crimean War, a series of patriotic texts by prominent Don writer I.S. Ul'yanov were published in The Don Military Gazette. This article represents an attempt to analyze these texts and compare them with the latest official Don Cossack propaganda. The author comes to the conclusion that I.S. Ul’yanov’s oeuvre clearly features a plotline that would later become typical for that kind of propaganda. This plotline is a panegyric for a Don hero who, rather than representing a real historical person, epitomizes an ideal Cossack, someone to whom the author ascribes some of the ideas and statements that matter to himself. Of particular mention in this respect is Ul’yanov’s work ‘Military Ingenuity’, which could qualify as a historically credible narrative but would eventually be positioned by his younger contemporaries as a literary story. Certain elements thereof were even included in the early 20th century in ‘The Pictures of the Past Quiet Don’, a book released at the behest of the military authorities which was intended to be read by those in military units and schools.
During the Crimean War, a series of patriotic texts by prominent Don writer I.S. Ul'yanov were published in The Don Military Gazette. This article represents an attempt to analyze these texts and compare them with the latest official Don Cossack propaganda. The author comes to the conclusion that I.S. Ul’yanov’s oeuvre clearly features a plotline that would later become typical for that kind of propaganda. This plotline is a panegyric for a Don hero who, rather than representing a real historical person, epitomizes an ideal Cossack, someone to whom the author ascribes some of the ideas and statements that matter to himself. Of particular mention in this respect is Ul’yanov’s work ‘Military Ingenuity’, which could qualify as a historically credible narrative but would eventually be positioned by his younger contemporaries as a literary story. Certain elements thereof were even included in the early 20th century in ‘The Pictures of the Past Quiet Don’, a book released at the behest of the military authorities which was intended to be read by those in military units and schools.
“How Our Fleet is Different from the Bourgeois One” or Distinctive Characteristics of Propaganda in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Fleet in the mid-1920s
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 19-24.
4. Vladimir P. TrutPropaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 19-24.
Abstract:
The paper discusses distinctive characteristics pertaining to military propaganda in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Fleet (RKKF) in the 1920s. It reviews the state of propaganda in the Red Fleet divisions and analyzes the objective difficulties related to attempts to explain the tasks and goals of the Soviet government. The paper uses documents from the Russian State Navy Archives (St. Petersburg, Russian Federation) as research materials. In addition, materials from the brochure “How our fleet is different from the bourgeois one” by A. Krymov were utilized. Collective monographs used include “Twice Red Banner Baltic fleet”, “Red Banner Pacific Fleet”, “Red Banner Black Sea Fleet” and “Northern Fleet of Russia”. In conclusion, the author sums up the factors that drove military propaganda efficiency among officers and sailors of the Baltic Fleet in the historical period under review. The author also provides little-known facts about the organization of propaganda activity among Soviet sailors.
The paper discusses distinctive characteristics pertaining to military propaganda in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Fleet (RKKF) in the 1920s. It reviews the state of propaganda in the Red Fleet divisions and analyzes the objective difficulties related to attempts to explain the tasks and goals of the Soviet government. The paper uses documents from the Russian State Navy Archives (St. Petersburg, Russian Federation) as research materials. In addition, materials from the brochure “How our fleet is different from the bourgeois one” by A. Krymov were utilized. Collective monographs used include “Twice Red Banner Baltic fleet”, “Red Banner Pacific Fleet”, “Red Banner Black Sea Fleet” and “Northern Fleet of Russia”. In conclusion, the author sums up the factors that drove military propaganda efficiency among officers and sailors of the Baltic Fleet in the historical period under review. The author also provides little-known facts about the organization of propaganda activity among Soviet sailors.
The Political-Information Component in the 1994–1996 Chechen Military-Political Conflict
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 25-32.
5. Andrii Е. LebidPropaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 25-32.
Abstract:
This paper draws upon an analysis of various published documents, a pool of relevant Russian historiography, and materials from various mass media outlets (above all, various periodicals from the period under review) to examine the various aspects of the political-information component in the 1994–1996 Chechen military-political conflict. The author suggests that, in covering the Chechen conflict, the Russian media (above all, the nation’s print media) took different stances on the issue: some justified the activity of illegal political and military formations in Chechnya, others espoused the official position assumed by the Russian government, and still others, a rather small group, sought to cover the conflict as objectively as possible, opting to keep an open mind on the issue and eschew political bias and financial concerns. The paper examines a set of specific issues experienced by mass media at the time in covering the 1994–1996 Chechen military-political conflict. The author suggests that, judging from the process of covering the Chechen conflict, back then Russia still lacked free and independent mass media outlets committed to reflecting and protecting the interests of civil society in Russia, a direct consequence of the nation being dominated by an oligarchical system of power and a lot of its mass media outlets being run by various political forces. The paper shares the findings from an analysis of the key characteristics of media coverage of the Chechen ethno-political conflict, especially during its active hostilities phase.
This paper draws upon an analysis of various published documents, a pool of relevant Russian historiography, and materials from various mass media outlets (above all, various periodicals from the period under review) to examine the various aspects of the political-information component in the 1994–1996 Chechen military-political conflict. The author suggests that, in covering the Chechen conflict, the Russian media (above all, the nation’s print media) took different stances on the issue: some justified the activity of illegal political and military formations in Chechnya, others espoused the official position assumed by the Russian government, and still others, a rather small group, sought to cover the conflict as objectively as possible, opting to keep an open mind on the issue and eschew political bias and financial concerns. The paper examines a set of specific issues experienced by mass media at the time in covering the 1994–1996 Chechen military-political conflict. The author suggests that, judging from the process of covering the Chechen conflict, back then Russia still lacked free and independent mass media outlets committed to reflecting and protecting the interests of civil society in Russia, a direct consequence of the nation being dominated by an oligarchical system of power and a lot of its mass media outlets being run by various political forces. The paper shares the findings from an analysis of the key characteristics of media coverage of the Chechen ethno-political conflict, especially during its active hostilities phase.
Hybrid Tools for Proxy Warfare
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 33-40.
6. Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2019, 6(1): 33-40.
Abstract:
Of relevance to modern military doctrine is the concept of hybrid (or proxy) warfare, i.e. a combination of conventional, irregular, and asymmetric ways of conducting war, including manipulation of political and/or ideological conflicts and engagement of special operation forces, conventional armed forces, intelligence agents, political agent provocateurs, and mass media outlets. Among the tools employed quite actively in modern proxy warfare are economic blackmail, cyber-attacks, proxy servers and surrogates, paramilitaries, and terrorist and criminal elements.
Of relevance to modern military doctrine is the concept of hybrid (or proxy) warfare, i.e. a combination of conventional, irregular, and asymmetric ways of conducting war, including manipulation of political and/or ideological conflicts and engagement of special operation forces, conventional armed forces, intelligence agents, political agent provocateurs, and mass media outlets. Among the tools employed quite actively in modern proxy warfare are economic blackmail, cyber-attacks, proxy servers and surrogates, paramilitaries, and terrorist and criminal elements.
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